mm 



mm 







pip 



WBffl 






I LIBRARY OF CONGRESS.* 



| =£^ L..5M $ 



r UNITED STATES OP AMERICA; J 



SLAVERY : 



3glIOH 



DELIVERED IN THE 



FIRST CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH 



ST2BW *&&&&&£ 



April 15, 1838. 



BY THEODORE CLAPP. 



$uMtsfee& 62 £Uqu*st 



NEW ORLEANS: 
JOHN GIBSON, PRINTER; TRUE AMERICAN OFFICE. 

'1838.' 



DISCOURSE 



1. Let whatever christian slaves are under the yoke 
of unbelievers, pay their own masters all respect and 
obedience, that the character of God, whom we wor- 
ship, may not be calumniated, and the doctrine of the 
gospel may not be evil spoken of, as tending to destroy 
the political rights of mankind. 

2. And those christian slaves who have believing 
masters, let them not despise them, fancying that they 
are their equals, because they are their brethren in 
Christ ; for though all christians are equal as to reli- 
gious privileges, slaves are inferior to their masters 
in station : Wherefore, Let them serve their masters 
more diligently, because they who enjoy the benefit of 
their service, are believers and beloved of God. These 
things teach ; and exhort the brethren to practice 
them. 

3. If any one teach differently, by affirming that 
under the gospel slaves are not bound to serve their 
masters, but ought to be made free, and does not con- 
sent to the wholesome commandments which are our 
Lord, Jesus Chrisfs, and to the doctrine of the Gospel, 
which in all points is conformable to true morality, 

4. He is puffed up with pride, and knoweth no- 
thing, either of the Jewish or of the Christian revela- 
tion, although he pretends to have great knowledge 
of both: but is distempered in his mind about idle 



questions and debates of words, which afford no foun- 
dation for such a doctrine, but are the source of envy, 
contention, evil speakings, unjust suspicions that the 
truth is not sincerely maintained. 

5. Perverse disputing* carried on contrary to con- 
science, by men wholly corrupted in their mind and 
destitute of the true doctrine of the gospel, who reckon 
whatever produces most money is the best religion; 
from all such impious teachers— withdraw thyself, 
and do not dispute with them. (Commentary of 
James Macknight, D. D. on the first five verses of the 
nxth chapter of St. PauTs First Epistle to Timothy.) 

I begin with a definition of Slavery. Let us form, 
if possible, a clear and precise idea of the term. W e 
all know that a talented and disingenuous man may 
conceal truth, and build up error, by the use of equi- 
vocal, perplexed, and mysterious combinations oi 
speech. Vague, general, indefinite terms and state- 
ments have deluged the moral and theological world 
with cavilings, doubts, misapprehension and false- 
hood. In the present discourse, without aiming to 
address the imagination, or feelings— to make what 
is commonly denominated a display of eloquence— 
I shall simplv endeavor to exhibit a statement of my 
views on a "solemn and interesting subject, in the 
most unambiguous and explicit language possible. 

William Paley, D. D., a celebrated d.vine and 
philosopher of England, has written a work on the 
subject of morals, which is used as a text-book in the 
higher schools and colleges throughout our Union, 
IrTthe part on Relative Duties, that illustrious author 



defines slavery to be " an obligation to labor for a 
master, without one's own consent." This obliga- 
tion, he tells us may arise, consistently with the law 
of nature, from several causes. But whatever is 
consistent with the law of nature is morally good. 
Cicero, in his work (De Legibus) speaking of what 
is now called natural law, says in substance, that it 
points us to those actions which, on the one hand, 
tend to promote the welfare of man, and on the other, 
those that are destructive of man's real happiness. 
All actions belonging to the first class he pronounces 
right ; all those in the second category he calls wrong. 
Nor do the views of modern, ethical writers on this 
point differ essentially from those of the great Roman 
moralist. Consequently, in the opinion of Dr. Pa- 
ley, slavery is not, under all circumstances, "a viola- 
tion of the universal, everlasting law of rectitude, the 
infliction of a great, aggravated, unmingled wrong." 
Such is the opinion of the humble individual now 
addressing you. And let me assure you, though 
slavery is a part of the constitution and laws of this 
state, though slave-labor is from various causes more 
lucrative than any other that could be employed up- 
on the delta of the Mississippi; though a vast majo- 
rity of our most enlightened and influential citizens 
believe it to be right; yet, if I were persuaded of its 
sinfulness, no fear of man should deter me from as- 
serting my convictions of truth and duty on this sub- 
ject. I repeat it ; if I thought that slavery was wrong, 
I would express the opinion from this sacred desk, 
in the most candid, frank and independent manner 
possible. Dr. Channing in his pamphlet on slavery, 



6 

says (p. 105) — " In the slave-holding states, freedom 
of speech is at an end. Whoever should express 
among them the sentiments respecting slavery which 
are universally adopted through the civilized world, 
would put his life in jeopardy; would probably be 
flogged or hung." I admire Dr. Channing ; I honor 
him as one of the best men living ; I regard him as 
an author pre-eminently distinguished, who has al- 
ready done more, with his pen, for the cause of pure 
Christianity than any other American; and who, what- 
ever may now be thought of him, will occupy a higher 
place, in the judgment of succeeding generations, 
than any of his illustrious contemporaries on either 
side of the Atlantic. This is saying a great deal. 
There is no material, important point in regard to 
which I should like to be found in opposition to the 
venerable Doctor. But nothing can be more incor- 
rect than the view he has expressed concerning free- 
dom of speech in the slave-holding states. In New 
Orleans, any minister of acknowledged worth and 
ability, may utter what he pleases from the pulpit 
with perfect impunity. The spirit of toleration cher- 
ished and exercised in our city is peculiar, extraor- 
dinary, unparalelled. The inhabitants of New Or- 
leans are more magnanimous, noble, and forbearing 
towards those who differ from them in political and 
religious matters, than can be found on any other 
spot in the civilized world. I go so far as to say, 
that Dr. C. might visit us, and preach his celebrated 
pamphlet on slavery in this very church, without put- 
ting his life in jeopardy; without running the risk of 
being mobbed, flogged or hung. However obnoxious 



the sentiments which he might express on the ap- 
propriate theatre of his professional movements, he 
would be listened to with profound, respectful atten- 
tion ; be received into society in the most kind, cour- 
teous, civil manner, and be repelled by no other than 
the christian weapons of truth and love, persuasion 
and entreaty. 

From this digression let us return to the grand 
question before us. Is Slavery under all circum- 
stances sinful. If it be, let the whole civilized world 
unite, without delay to banish it from the earth. Let 
no voice of man plead, for its continuance. Let no 
human arm be stretched out for its support. Let 
every pulpit in Christendom frown upon it. The in- 
fluence of the Church like that of its infinite Author, 
should always be exerted, in favor of the eternal 
principles of justice, truth, humanity and mercy. 
It is a dreadful spectacle to see the pulpit lending 
its heaven-derived powers, for the nefarious purpose 
of enslaving, injuring, or degrading any portion of 
the human family, however inconsiderable in numbers, 
however obscure or despicable in the estimation of 
the world, at large. For the sacred desk was crea- 
ted to advance the cause of morality, to promote the 
good of all, to aid in emancipating all men from the 
fetters of ignorance and sin, and conferring on them 
the inestimable benefits of knowledge, power, free- 
dom and virtue. Duty with me is every thing. I 
endeavour to preach and live on the principles sug- 
gested by the following beautiful words from Chan- 
ning on Slavery. — The right is the supreme good, 
and includes all other goods. In seeking and adher- 



8 

ingto it, we secure our true and only happiness. All 
prosperity not founded on it, is built on sand. If 
human affairs are controlled, as we believe, by Al- 
mighty Rectitude and impartial Goodness, then to 
hope for happiness from wrong doing is as insane as 
to seek health and prosperity by rebelling against the 
laws of nature, by sowing our seed on the ocean, or 
making poison our common food. There is but one 
unfailing good; and that is, fidelity to the Everlast- 
ing Law written on the heart, and re-written and re- 
published "in God's Word." In this discourse I shall 
confine myself to a single topic, what is the right — 
the true-i-the good— on the grand theme of inquiry 
already proposed 1 And first, I shall examine the 
question, are there any passages in the Sacred Scrip- 
tures by which slavery is condemned or prohibited. 
I mean by slavery "the being compelled to labor for 
another, without one's own consent." 

It is an indisputable fact, that slavery was universal 
among that chosen, peculiar people of God, whose 
history is given in the Old Testament, during the long 
period, beginning with the first generation after the 
deluge, and terminating with the destruction of the 
Jewish nation and polity by the Romans. The most 
elaborate investigation of the Old Testament Scrip- 
tures from Genesis to Malachi, authorizes one to affirm, 
that there can be found therein no language, which 
fairly interpreted amounts directly, or indirectly, ex- 
pressly or by implication, to a reprobation of slavery. 
This fact furnishes a decisive refutation of the doc- 
trine, that the principles of religion taught by inspir- 
ed men" prior to the time of our Saviour, forbid the 



9 

making, holding, buying and selling slaves. The ve- 
nerable patriarchs, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob and others, 
of whom we read in the book of Genesis, were all 
slave-holders. In all probability, each possessed a 
greater number of bond-men and bond- women than 
any planter now living in Louisiana or Mississippi. 
But an opponent may take the ground that the pa- 
triarchal dispensation was imperfect — the mere dawn- 
ing of a pure religion — adapted to the infancy of the 
human race — and consequently sanctioned or per- 
mitted principles and practices not in all points con- 
formable to sound morality. I have not time, now, 
fully to examine this position ; but of this, however, 
I am certain, that God never introduced or counten- 
anced among the patriarchs any laws or usages which 
at the time were wrong, sinful or immoral. God ne- 
ver enacted a bad law, nor ever gave his approbation, 
in any form, to that which is in itself sinful. Among 
the slave-holders spoken of in the Bible antecedent 
to the time of Moses were the most illustrious men 
of their day for sanctity and wisdom. In that class 
were to be found the mighty man, the man of war, 
the judge, the prophet, the prudent, the ancient, the ho- 
norable, the counsellor, the skilful artificer, and the 
eloquent orator; men whose names are recorded in 
terms of eulogy on the imperishable page of inspira- 
tion, and will be mentioned as glorious to the end of 
time, on account of the fidelity and zeal with which 
they performed all the various duties which, in our 
day, are regarded as essential to the christian, patriot, 
and public benefactor. Some of these ancient wor- 
thies spent their lives in what may be truly called 



10 

supreme devotedness to the interests of truth, free- 
dom and humanity. Their bosoms were animated 
with a philanthropy not circumscribed by the narrow 
boundaries of the clan, tribe, or people to which they 
belonged ; but that looked forward, in prophetic vi- 
sion, to the general amelioration of human society, 
the exaltation of our guilty and afflicted race to 
knowledge, virtue and happiness. They are repre- 
sented in the New Testament, by our Lord and his 
apostles, as enriched with every virtue that can adorn 
and bless humanity, as models to be admired and 
imitated by all men to the end of time. The char- 
acter of these men is a sufficient evidence that slave- 
ry was not in their day an "heinous, scandalous sin," 
an infraction of man's most " sacred and infallible 
rights." 

Besides, we read in the book of Genesis that God 
showed his approbation of Abraham's character and 
conduct, by raising him to an extraordinary degree 
of temporal prosperity. God, says the sacred histo- 
rian, gave to the patriarch lands, flocks, herds, silver, 
gold, camels, bond-men and bond-women. Here we 
see God, dealing in slaves; giving them to his own 
favorite child — a man of superlative worth — and as 
a reward for his eminent goodness. But can God 
bestow in the shape of a present what is in itself, 
and under all circumstances, . a great moral evil ] Is 
such a supposition consistent with his character] 
Suppose an earthly parent should give to an amiable, 
accomplished son, as a testimony of his peculiar affec- 
tion, what he foreknew would inevitably plunge this 
child in guilt, disgrace, or absolute destruction.— 



n 

Could you be made to believe in the parental love of 
such a father 1 But the same God, who gave Abra- 
ham sunshine, air, rain, earth, flocks, herds, silver and 
gold, blessed him with a donative of slaves. The 
gifts of the Creator are like his character, good ; uni- 
formly good, and only good. Therefore slavery in 
Abraham's time was a wise, righteous and benefi- 
cent institution. 

Once more : It is universally conceded, that the 
patriarchs lived under a form of government that the- 
ologians characterize by the term theocracy. They 
were governed by the immediate direction of God 
alone. By the oracle of Jehovah himself their laws 
were enacted. It is certain, then, that these laws 
were good ; that they sanctioned nothing but what 
was right, all things considered. But slavery was a 
part of these laws, and this fact furnishes conclusive 
evidence of a divine authority for the institution. 

Again, in the twenty-fifth chapter of Leviticus, we 
find the following words, " and the Lord spake unto 
Moses in Mount Sinai — that solemn ground where the 
moral law was promulgated — "saying, both thy bond- 
men and bond-maids, which thou shalt have, shall be 
of the heathens that are among you." In this pas- 
sage the Creator recognizes the rectitude of holding 
slaves, in that part and period of the world, by mark- 
ing out the class of people from among whom it was 
lawful for the Jews to obtain them. If it be said, that 
these "bondmen and bondmaids" were not slaves — 
not property, but men and women, hired only for a 
special limited term of service: I reply that the ques- 
tion of their slavery is settled by the sentence, which 



12 

says "of them shall you buy bondmen and bond wo- 
men. The Rev. James Smylie, of Mississippi, in a 
pamphlet on this subject suggests, that the Jews seem 
not to have been left to their own option, in this mat- 
ter. The words partake of the nature of an order, or 
direction, "of them ye shall buy" &c. clearly establish- 
ing the fact of a divine authority for the institution. 
But on this point the language of revelation is still 
more precise and explicit ; "Moreover of the children 
of the strangers that do sojourn among you, of them 
shall you buy ; and of their families that are with you, 
which they begot in your land, and they shall be your 
possessions. And ye shall take them as an inheritance 
for your children after you, to inherit them by pos- 
session. They shall be your bond men for ever. 

What language could more explicitly show, not only 
that God tolerated slavery among the Jews, but gave 
them a written permit to buy, hold, and bequeath men 
and women to perpetual servitude. I repeat it, if there 
be any truth in the 25th chapter of Leviticus, it clearly 
and unequivocally establishes the fact that bondage 
was sanctioned by God himself, and that buying, sell- 
ing, holding and bequeathing slaves as property, are 
matters concerning which, the Almighty Parent was 
pleased to establish rules or laws, in a supernatural 
communication of his will to the most enlightened and* 
virtuous nation of the ancient world, 

But w T e are told, that there was no such thing among 
the Jews as slavery for life; that on every returning 
Jubilee all bond-men and bondwomen were manumit- 
ted. This is an error. In the 21 st chapter of Exodus, 
it is decreed that when the master gave to a Jewish 



13 

slave a wife, should that slave, at the expiration of 
seven years, be disposed to go free, he might do so ; 
but the wife and children were to remain in servitude. 
Should he, nevertheless, from attachment to his mas- 
ter, and to his wife and children, be unwilling to go 
out free ; then, after being brought before the Judge 
and having his ear bored through with an awl, he 
should serve his master for ever ; that is for life. 
Widely different are the regulations for slaves not of 
Hebrew extraction. Neither they, nor their children 
are to go out at the Jubilee; they shall be your bond- 
men forever. Read the 44th, 45th and 46th verses of 
Leviticus, 25th chapter. These verses contain an ex- 
act description of slavery as it exists in Louisiana, 
and the Southern States generally. The children of 
the strangers, i. e. the Africans, are freely bought and 
sold among us. They become, our "possessions." Our 
children receive these possessions by inheritance, and 
will transmit them in like manner to their descendants; 
and this state of things is to \a.st forever; i. e. for that 
indefinite period, during which, the relations of soci- 
ety, now existing among us, will be continued. 

It may be said that the regulations among the He- 
brews were intended to be temporary — to last only 
till the day when all the ceremonial rites of the Jews 
were abolished. If this should even be admitted, 
one position is yet clear, that there was a time, when 
God gave a written permission to his own dear peo- 
ple to hold some of their neighbours in bondage. — 
There was a time when slavery was not an heinous, 
scandalous sin, a violation of the eternal law of rec- 
titude, the infliction of a great, tremendous wrong. 



14 

What was once right may be again right; may be now 
right; maybe right to the end of time among some por- 
tions of the human race, and in some parts of the ci- 
vilized world. 

A pamphlet was, some time ago, sent to us through 
the Post office, by an anonymous, but very learned 
author, which attempts to prove, that the servitude 
prescribed by Moses was not compulsory, but volun- 
tary; that servants among the Jews were paid a re- 
gular stipend; and that they were not the legal pro- 
perty of their masters. But such an attempt is ridicu- 
lously vain. It is certain that slavery was permitted 
by the Jewish law-giver Moses. Jahn, in a book on. 
Hebrew antiquities, a work of great erudition, and 
high authority, thus writes — "Moses, though he saw 
the evils of slavery, was not in a condition to abolish 
it, and it would not have been wise in him to have 
made the attempt. He accordingly permitted the He- 
brews to possess foreigners, both male and female, 
in the character of slaves. Both the food and clothing 
of those, who from any cause, whatever it might be, 
had lost their freedom, were of the poorest description. 
All their earnings went to their master, and their la- 
bor was worth to him double that of a merely hired 
servant. They commonly had the consent of their 
masters to marry, or rather to connect themselves 
with a woman in that way, which is called by a Latin 
law term, conUibcrnium. The children that proceed- 
ed from this sort of marriages, were the property, not 
of their parents, but of their owners." Calmet, a Ro- 
man Catholic author of pre-eminent ability, and quo- 
ted as such by all Protestant writers, says- — " Moses 



15 

notices two or three sorts of slaves, obtained by cap- 
ture, by purchase, or born in the house. Over these 
the masters had an entire authority; they might sell 
them, exchange them, punish them, judge them, and 
even put them to death, without public process." 
Even Miss Harriet Martineau admits that slavery 
was an institution of the Mosaic economy; that like 
the Roman Catholic religion it was once useful ; but 
that in these latter days of light and glory, the sys- 
tem is entirely injurious and oppressive in its ten- 
dencies. Let any one read impartially the 25th chap- 
ter of Leviticus, and he will then find no difficulty in 
making up his mind as to the question, whether the 
Jewish law tolerated slave holding. I shall, therefore, 
say nothing further on this point. No one is so ob- 
tuse as not to see, that if men were permitted by God 
in the time of Moses to hold slaves, then it may be 
right for them to do it now; unless this privilege has 
been revoked by a succeeding revelation, or by some 
change in the condition and circumstances of society 
which render its further continuance indubitably a 
moral wrong. 

Let us inquire, for a moment, in what manner the 
abolitionists endeavor to dispose of the fact that slave- 
ry is sustained by the principles of religion taught in 
the Old Testament. "They tell us that Moses, for 
the hardness of their hearts, suffered the Jews to re- 
tain an institution, in itself sinful. The Jewish law- 
giver was endowed with superlative wisdom : he 
knew that laws, to be of any practical value, must be 
accommodated to the condition and habits of the peo- 
ple to whom they are given. Moses found the Jews 



16 

thoroughly imbued with certain sinful habits and 
customs, common to all other nations around them. 
He foresaw that all efforts to eradicate these evils 
would be in vain. As becomes a wise lawgiver he, 
therefore, adopted them into his system, subject to 
such restrictions and limitations as he thought best 
adapted to counteract their pernicious tendency. — 
Such evils were polygamy, divorce, and slavery. 
The latter abomination he found universal and tyran- 
nical among all nations. He modified and softened 
h> — gave privileges and rights to the servants — re- 
strained cruelty and oppression in the master, but 
did not wholly forbid it." Wonderful ! Moses was 
raised up, and divinely commissioned to teach the 
Jews to walk in all the commandments and statutes 
of the Lord, blameless, But in the prosecution of 
his enterprise, he ascertained that the Hebrews were 
so fixed and obstinate in certain forms of depravity, 
that they could, by no motives, be induced to re- 
nounce them. He therefore adopted the plan of a 
moral and religious government, which should pro- 
hibit such sins only as might probably be suppressed, 
and lend its countenance to those that were deemed 
incorrigible. Was there ever a more wretched sub- 
terfuge than this? Is it not the vilest of sophisms'? 
In what light does such a position place the charac- 
ter of Moses? What was he, if this be true, more 
than a cunning, sagacious, unprincipled temporiser? 
Let him not be classed with the good and holy of 
times and ages gone by. 

I can conceive of nothing more nefarious than the 
character of that moral teacher, who permits, or al- 



17 

lows what he knows to be wrong, in accommodation 
to the taste of a licentious, wicked age or people. 
If this account be true, I agree with Mr. Thomas 
Paine's remarks in the Asre of Reason — -" That the 

o 

character of Moses, as stated in the Bible, is the most 
horrid, that can be imagined. He sanctioned the 
most unexampled atrocities, that are to be found in 
the history of sin ! Among the detestable villains 
that in any period of the world have disgraced the 
name of man, it is impossible to find a greater than 
Moses." What I ask can be more detestable, than, 
for one, professedly acting in the name and authority 
of Almighty God, to permit a people to buy, hold and 
bequeath human beings to perpetual bondage, when 
at the same time he was convinced that such a prac- 
tice was immoral, oppressive and unjust* 

Suppose that Jesus Christ had appeared in Sparta, 
instead of Judea, and at a time when its inhabitants 
were under the laws of Lycurgus. Suppose further, 
that he should have given to the Spartans a code of 
morality, allowing theft under certain restrictions and 
limitations. Would it be a valid defence of the code 
and its author to allege that Jesus found the inhabi- 
tants of Laconia so thoroughly imbued with thievish 
habits and customs, that they could not be brought 
duly to respect the rights of property, and therefore, 
with infinite wisdom, he permitted them to go on 
stealing, but under such modifications as promised to 
reduce the evil to the least possible quantity 1 Such 
a question exhibits its own answer. The truth is, 
there is no law, rule, or principle of action allowed by 
Moses or Jesus, which, at the time, and under all the 



18 

circumstances was not conformable to true morality. 
Deny this position, and you can no longer defend 
the divine authority of the Scriptures. You must 
surrender them up into the hands of their enemies. 

II. Is Slavery condemned, or prohibited, in the 
New Testament? 

We have already shown that it was a part of the 
moral code established by Moses. Did our Saviour 
change, or abolish any part of this code? I think 
not. The principles of morality, are, like their infinite 
Author, immutable. They are no more susceptible of 
change than the principle of gravitation — the law that 
regulates the germination and growth of vegetables, 
or the power which moves and retains the celestial 
bodies in their orbits. If there were any essential 
discrepancy between the moral systems of the Old 
and New Testaments — if what is affirmed in one to 
be right, is in the other declared to be wrong — it fol- 
lows that truth, justice and kindness are not the same 
in all times and places; but that they are continually 
undergoing important changes to adapt themselves 
to the ever- varying scenes of human life. This, it 
seems to me is a conclusion, that no reflecting mind 
can adopt. 

But our Saviour has settled this point by an ex- 
plicit, un-ambiguous declaration. Think not that I 
am come, says he, in the 5th chapter of Matthew, to 
destroy the law, or the prophets ; I am not come to 
destroy, but fulfil. For verily I say unto you, till 
heaven and earth pass, one jot or one tittle shall in no- 
wise pass from the law, till all be fulfilled. What 



19 

law is here spoken of] I answer, not the rituals, 
but the morality taught by Moses and the prophets. 
This is the interpretation given to these words by 
every commentator that I have examined. It is the 
only one that suits the subject, or context. I came 
not, says Jesus, to destroy, but to fulfil the code of 
morals sanctioned by your own Scriptures. This 
code ordained slavery. That is in regard to the rec- 
titude of bondage, the New Testament accords with 
the Old. 

At the time our Saviour appeared and commenced 
his public labors, Slavery was universal among the 
Jews. If it had been, in his opinion, a monstrous 
evil — the greatest of wrongs, — a thing clearly crimi- 
nal and irreligious, — must he not have condemned it 
without qualification or reserve 1 If the modern doc- 
trine be sound, Jesus should have said to the master* 
"your slave is your equal;" "you must immediately 
set him at liberty;" "you cannot justly hold property 
in man;" "it is wicked in the sight of God for you 
to do so;" "it is an infringement of the natural rights 
of the slave." Not a syllable analogous to this was 
uttered by our Saviour. If the institution were 
wrong ; if it were a scandalous sin ; if it were a da- 
ring outrage upon the first principles of right and 
freedom — an object of divine disapprobation — could 
our Saviour, with the evidences of such a flagrant 
abuse all around him, have remained in silence on 
such a momentous subject, without pursuing a course 
revolting to every candid, honest mind, and glaringly 
inconsistent with one grand object of his mission — 
the exemplification, and complete establishment of a 



20 

perfect system of morals. It will be admitted by all 
that Jesus was a bold, uncompromising teacher. He 
was not deterred from asserting truth by the fear of 
man. Whatever he believed to be immoral — wicked — 
he uniformly opposed, in the plainest terms, and with 
unyielding firmness. Exact truth and spotless recti- 
tude were obviously the standard of all his instruc- 
tions, as well as of his life. Under these circum- 
stances, the silence of our Saviour — the declaration 
that he came not to "destroy the law" — a law that 
ordained slavery — but to fulfil it to the last jot and 
tittle; — the fact that the old and the new dispensa- 
tions harmonize in all the essential principles of jus- 
tice and morality, afford the highest presumptive evi- 
dence, that the Saviour of the world did not intend, 
directly or indirectly, to condemn slavery ; and that 
what was practised in the earlier ages of the world, 
with the sanction of the divine will, was not regard- 
ed by him as incompatible with christian principles 
and character. 

Whatever was taught by the inspired apostles, is 
regarded by all christians as of equal authority with 
those instructions which emanated from the Saviour 
himself during his personal ministry. What doc- 
trines did they inculcate on the subject before us 1 
"Slaves" says St. Peter, "be subject to your masters, 
with all fear, not only to the good and gentle, but 
also to the froward. For this is thankworthy, if a 
man, for conscience towards God, endure grief, suf- 
fering wrongfully. For what glory is it, if, when you 
are buffetted for your faults, you take it patiently 1 
but if, when you do well, and suffer for it, you take it 



21 

patiently, this is acceptable to God." Paul, in his 
first epistle to the Corinthians, says — "Let every 
man abide in the same calling wherein he is called." 
" Art thou called, being a slave, care not for it." 
"Abide in your condition of slavery. Think not that 
Christianity proposes to release your obligations to 
your master. These obligations must be strictly ob- 
served and fulfilled." 

" It is very probable (remarks Adam Clark) that 
some of the slaves at Corinth, who had been con- 
verted to Christianity, had been led to think that their 
christian privileges absolved them from the necessity 
of continuing slaves ; or at least brought them on a 
level with their christian masters. It was, therefore, 
a very proper subject for the Apostle to interfere in; 
and to his authority the persons concerned would 
doubtlessly respectfully bow." 

Again, says Paul in his first epistle to Timothy, 
" Let as many slaves as are under the yoke count 
their own masters worthy of all honor, that the 
name of God and his doctrines be not blasphemed." 

The epistle to Philemon was written by Paul, while 
a prisoner at Rome. Philemon was a slave-holder, 
residing at Colosse, a town of Phrygia, in Asia Mi- 
nor. Onesimus, a fugitive slave belonging to Phile- 
mon, was converted to the christian religion at Rome, 
under the ministry of Paul. The apostle sends him 
back to Colosse, with a letter to his owner ; in which 
he entreats Philemon not to punish Onesimus with 
severity, but to treat him in future as a reformed and 
faithful slave. 

" From this epistle, (says Macknight) we learn 



22 

that all christians are on a level. Onesimus, the 
slave, on becoming a christian, is the apostle's son 
and Philemon's brother. It is further evident, that 
Christianity makes no alteration in men's political 
state ; Onesimus, the slave, did not become a free- 
man by embracing Christianity, but was still obliged 
to be Philemon's slave forever, unless his master 
gave him his freedom. This portion of Sacred Writ 
decides, that slaves should not be taken nor detain- 
ed from their masters, without their master's con- 
sent." Paul did not suggest to Philemon the duty of 
emancipating Onesimus, but encouraged him to re- 
store the slave to his former condition, with the hope, 
that acting under the influence of the holy principles 
of Christianity, he would in future serve his master, 
" not with eye service," as formerly, " but in single- 
ness of heart, fearing God." 

Nothing can be found in the New Testament op- 
posite to the tenor and spirit of the above quotations. 
The object of Christ and his apostles, was magnifi- 
cent beyond all parallel — beyond all comprehension. 
In their public, official stations, as teachers of a new 
divine religion they countenanced no selfish, no sor- 
did, no mercenary principles. They never lost sight 
of the claims of perfect rectitude and unblemished 
integrity. They aimed at nothing less than the gene- 
ral amelioration of human society, the exaltation of 
our guilty and afflicted race to knowledge, virtue, and 
happiness. In the prosecution of this single purpose, 
they did not intermeddle with politics. They did 
not turn aside to inculcate revolutionary sentiments, 
or measures. They said nothing about any kind of 



23 

emancipation, except that, which consists in deliver- 
ance from the bondage of sin. When they found a 
man a master, instead of endeavoring to unsettle the 
relation between him and his slaves, the effort was to 
make the master a good christian, knowing that if 
the principles of the gospel were acted upon by all 
men, the evils of slavery would be banished from the 
earth, and that then the relation itself, instead of being 
a curse, would prove to be an infinite blessing to all 
concerned. 

With reference to those portions of the New Tes- 
tament already alluded to, and others of a similar im- 
port, the following remarks are earnestly recommend- 
ed to the attention of all candid inquirers : 

1 st. No passage has as yet been adduced from the 
gospel amounting to a plain, palpable and explicit 
prohibition of slavery. It is conceded that none such 
can be found. But we are told, that the spirit of 
Christianity, — the spirit of the precepts — " Thou shalt 
love thy neighbor as thyself;" "therefore, all things 
whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do 
ye even so to them :" is a virtual condemnation of 
slavery, and should awaken in the bosom of every 
man the solemn conviction, that it is a grievous wrong 
to human nature. Or, in other words, christian phi- 
lanthropy requires the immediate emancipation of 
slaves. 

To my mind, this reasoning is utterly fallacious. 
It is a sophistry too bare-faced to mislead the judg- 
ment of a child. Unanswerable evidence that the 
spirit of the command — " Thou shalt love thy neigh- 
bor as thyself," does not, under all circumstances, 



24 

forbid slavery, is furnished by the Scriptures them- 
selves. For, when God said to the Jews, you must 
love your neighbors as yourselves, he told them at 
the same time, and in the same breath, that they 
might subject men and women to perpetual servitude, 
(See Leviticus, 19-13 and 25-45.) It has pleased 
our Heavenly Father thus to place beyond all con- 
troversy the possibility of exercising christian love to 
a fellow-being whom we hold in slavery. In the New 
Testament, also, we are commanded to treat all men 
as brethren, as children of the same Father ; as pos- 
sessing the same spiritual rights and privileges, in 
those very chapters which afford the most positive 
and un-ambiguous authority for the institution of 
slavery. If you say, the master cannot manifest 
christian love to one whom he holds in bondage, you 
take a position, diametrically opposite to the word of 
God. For the Bible tells the master, that all his 
conduct towards his servant must be in conformity 
with the pure and generous sentiments of christian 
philanthropy ; and at the same time, it bids the slave 
not to rebel and rise against his master, upon the 
ground that Christianity confers on all the same poli- 
tical rights and privileges. 

Doctor Channing himself admits, that many slave- 
holders are bright examples of private virtue and 
christian love. Hear his own words — " There are 
masters who have thrown off the natural prejudices 
of their position, who see slavery as it is, and who 
hold on to the system from disinterested considera- 
tions ; and these deserve great praise. They be- 
lieve, that emancipation, in the present condition of 



25 

society, would bring unmixed evil on bond and free ; 
they think themselves bound to continue the relation, 
until it shall be dissolved by comprehensive, and sys- 
tematic measures of the state. There are many of 
them who would shudder, as much as we, at reduc- 
ing a freeman to bondage, but who are appalled by 
what seem to them the perils and difficulties of liber- 
ating multitudes, born and brought up to that condi- 
tion. There are many, who nominally holding the 
slave as property, still hold him for his own good 
and for the public order, and would blush to retain 
him on any other grounds. Are such men to be set 
down among the unprincipled!" 

This is an accurate account of the views and feel- 
ings entertained by a great majority of slave-holders 
in Louisiana. They hold the African in bondage for 
his own good and the public order. They cannot do 
otherwise, as it seems to them, without proving re- 
creant to the pure principles of justice and humanity. 
To set them free, would be to involve them in speedy 
and remediless destruction. It would be equivalent 
to deliberate and cold blooded murder. We have no 
more right at present, acting upon christian principles, 
to emancipate our slaves, than we have to put them 
to death by poisoning, shooting, drowning, or burn- 
ing. The taking care of them, has been devolved 
upon us as a solemn duty by our ancestors, and I 
may add, by Almighty Providence. We can devise 
no way of fulfilling this obligation apart from the fur- 
ther continuance of the present system of bondage. 

2d. The New Testament decides in the plainest 
terms, that christians are bound to acquiesce in. and 



support, those laws and regulations concerning slavery 
which are enacted by the respective civil governments 
under which they live. The legislature must deter- 
mine who shall be kept in bondage, and what shall 
be their condition and privileges. The pulpit must 
not interfere in this important and delicate matter. 
It is conceded, that christian teachers are called on 
to discuss and recommend those principles of justice 
and humanity, which every legislator should supremely 
reverence, while acting in reference to the public good. 
But, let not the character of the clergyman be merged 
in that of the politician. Let him at all times, preach 
unconditional submission to civil laws and institutions. 
This was his duty under the Roman government, 1 800 
years ago — a government infinitely more despotic, 
tyrannical, and oppressive, than any now in existence. 
Christian philanthropists should have unlimited 
confidence in our purely elective and representative 
system of government. When the superior power ; 
when all the honors, trusts, and sway of society 
are in the hands of a despot, or a minority of nobles; 
it is easy to see that the people have no safeguard 
against rapacity, injustice and oppression : but when 
the power of making, abolishing and administering 
the laws is intrusted by a written constitution to a 
majority of the people, it is obvious that the rights 
and happiness of all who live under these laws are 
as safe as they can be, without the constant miracu- 
lous interposition of divine Providence. It does ap- 
pear to me, that a government purely elective, in case 
it should ever operate injuriously upon any consider- 
able number within its influence, must, by its own in- 



27 

herent tendency, apply, in time, that corrective which 
circumstances demand. A free people, if prompted 
by no other principle than that selfishness which is a 
part of man in all possible vicissitudes of his earthly 
existence, will, from choice adopt, and in season too, 
the requisite measures to counteract or remove the 
evils of injudicious laws and corrupt institutions. In 
a free country, upright, generous, pure, disinterested 
principles must of necessity triumph over those which 
are narrow, selfish and unrighteous. 

In other words, the legislators of Louisiana say, 
that in their judgment, the good of the Africans li- 
ving in their borders, as well as the prosperity of the 
commonwealth, require that for the present they 
should be kept in a state of bondage. They think 
experience has demonstrated that this class of our 
population are so weak, imbecile and inefficient, as 
to be absolutely incapable of self-government. Con- 
sequently, they feel it to be a duty to take the go- 
vernment of them into their own hands, and to give 
their labor to masters for life, under certain restric- 
tions, as a just remuneration for the protection and 
maintenance secured to them by law. Now, I say, 
upon the supposition, that the principle assumed by 
our legislators in regard to the Africans among us is 
an unrighteous one, its iniquity will, in time, without 
foreign interference, be made apparent to the majo- 
rity of our inhabitants, by its deleterious results upon 
their happiness. And so soon as a people ascertain 
from experience, that a particular law or institution 
operates to their disadvantage, they will of their own 
accord abandon it. I cannot go into an elucidation 



28 

of the principles of reasoning here suggested. I will 
only remark, that if all which the abolitionists affirm 
about the wrong of slavery be true, it is my solemn 
conviction, that the speediest way of destroying it is 
to let the slave-holding states go on quietly in their 
present course, till its evils thickening and increasing 
at every step of their future progress, shall become 
sufficiently palpable and alarming to arouse all those 
concerned to a just sense of their danger and respon- 
sibilities. This is an evil which, under a free form of 
government, will work out its own cure. 

3d. In reply to the fact, that the New Testament 
does not condemn slavery, some writers have had re- 
course to a sophism, that may be thus stated — "The 
apostles gave no direct testimony against slavery, 
because such a course would have exposed them to 
the danger of being assailed and crushed by the Ro- 
man government." In other words, it would have 
been bad policy, extremely imprudent in Paul, to have 
condemned slavery, when such a condemnation could 
have done no good, but would have served to put in 
jeopardy his life, and the success of that religion, 
whose cause he had espoused. 

What a miserable subterfuge ! Was Paul afraid 
of being put to death? Let his bold, intrepid, uncom- 
promising adherence to truth and duty, amid the un- 
precedented perils constantly attendant on his public 
life, furnish the answer. Or, was Paul afraid of ar- 
raying against the new religion which he advocated, 
the power of Rome, by condemning one of its immo- 
ral institutions, of a political aspect 1 Who can be- 



29 

iieve this : the supposition is contradicted by histori- 
cal facts. 

It is certain that Paul did attack the religion of Rome, 
to which the inhabitants were as strongly attach- 
ed, as they could have been to slavery. Polytheism 
was the religion of the Roman empire in the apostle's 
day — polytheism, sustained by myriads of temples 
and myriads of priests — swaying its mighty sceptre 
from the Tiber to the ends of the earth. Legislators, 
magistrates, philosophers, orators, and poets, all com- 
bined to plead her cause, and protect her from insult 
and injury. Now, Paid was actually imprudent 
enough to attack this religion — venerated as it was 
for its antiquity, admired as divine, triumphantly 
seated in the affections of a superstitious people, and 
upheld by the consolidated millions of the most learn- 
ed, cunning, bold and powerful of the Roman na- 
tion, when in the zenith of her glory. What a fear- 
ful odds ! In this respect, he took a position, which 
he must have foreseen would raise to the highest 
pitch all the opposition which the then civilized world 
could bring to bear upon him, or the new religion 
that he was commissioned to preach. After this, 
there was nothing more to deter him from saying 
what he thought was right, even had he been actu- 
ated by selfish considerations alone. It is ridiculous 
to say that he, who ventured on the hazardous enter- 
prise of demolishing the venerated fabric of Roman 
superstition, was too timid to utter a sentence of de- 
nunciation against slavery. 

Besides, the sophism above mentioned ascribes to 
the apostle a character which every high-minded, 



30 

honest man must reprobate — the character of an un- 
principled temporiser and time-server. It has been 
said with truth, that when Paul lived " there were 
sixty millions of slaves in the Roman empire, under 
the absolute, irresponsible control of masters, whose 
character the pen of inspiration has portrayed, by say- 
ing, that they were full of envy, murder, debate, de- 
ceit, malice, whisperers, back-biters, haters of God, 
despiteful, proud, boasters, inventors of evil things, 
disobedient to parents, without understanding, cove- 
nant breakers, without natural affection, implacable, 
unmerciful." Now, the apostle looked out upon these 
sixty millions of people — wretched in the extreme — 
in the horizon of whose prospects there was not dis- 
coverable one cheering ray of hope. A people, over 
whose doom neither themselves nor others could dis- 
cover any thing less than one unbroken cloud of des- 
pair. Sixty millions, in whose bosoms had expired 
the hope that they could ever obtain justice, either 
by trial, appeal, or redress. Now, in view of their 
doleful condition, the apostle, actuated by the cun- 
ning, cautious policy of the world, and the dread of 
secular power, declined urging upon christian mas- 
ters the obligations of philanthropy, and the duty of 
immediate emancipation. He only said : servants 
(that is slaves, as all admit the meaning of the origi- 
nal to be) be subject to your masters in all tilings; 
and masters, treat your servants in a just, kind and 
christian manner. The sophism before alluded to 
supposes Paul's private sentiments on the subject of 
slavery to be directly contrary to the tenor of his 
public instructions. In his heart he condemns, while 



31 

his lips approve* If so, he was one of the worst men 
that ever lived. 

4th. It is affirmed that, whatever may be the lan- 
guage of the New Testament, its spirit is undoubted- 
ly hostile to slavery. That is, in words the christian 
law tolerates, and approves a certain practice, while 
its spirit is opposed to it. But the spirit of a law can 
never be opposed to the plain, positive and unambi- 
guous meaning of its words. The criminal code of 
Louisiana forbids theft in the plainest terms possible. 
Suppose a lawyer should endeavor to screen his client 
from the crime of stealing, by the plea, that our code 
prohibits theft in words, but tolerates it in spirit. 
The precept of the code reads — " Thou shalt not 
steal;" but it is pervaded by a subtil, invisible, ethe- 
rial spirit, which the transcendental few only can 
comprehend, which says — " Thou mayest steal." 
The words of the Bible read, "thou art permitted to 
hold slaves;" the spirit of the Bible runs counter to 
this, and affirms that "thou art not permitted to hold 
slaves." Admirable ! How ingenious ! How pro- 
found ! How much above the comprehension of ob- 
tuse, unrefined minds ! 

5th. It is alleged, that there are many doctrines 
and principles revealed in the scriptures, whose ad- 
aptations and applications could be understood and 
carried into effect only by degrees, as human nature 
should be gradually improved and human society gra- 
dually advanced in knowledge and civilization. For 
example, enmity to slavery was always essentially a 
part of the christian religion ; but it lay, as it were, 
folded up and undeveloped like a plant in its seed, 



32 

waiting for the season to call it into light and ac- 
tion. 

It is hard for me to affix any clear, definite ideas to 
these words. Are we to understand, that the mass of 
the people living in the time of the apostles were too 
ignorant to comprehend the nature of slavery 1 Their 
instructions on this theme, show conclusively, that 
it was even in that distant day generally discussed 
and thoroughly understood. For (as Adam Clark 
says) antecedently to the date of Paul's second epistle 
to the Corinthians, the converted slaves at Corinth 
had started the theory, that their christian privileges 
absolved them from the necessity of continuing slaves. 
How did Paul treat this new-fangled notion 1 He re- 
probated it in the plainest and strongest terms. He 
says "let slaves serve their masters more diligently, 
than formerly, because, they who enjoy the benefit 
of their service are believers and beloved of God." 
Besides, the nature of the case speaks for itself. There 
never was a people so rude and benighted, as not be 
able to comprehend the relation of master and servant, 
and the duties growing out of this relation, with the 
same ease that they could discern the difference be- 
tween a circle and a square, or between truth and 
falsehood. 

Or, is it meant that the New Testament contains 
doctrines concerning bondage, which have been ma- 
nifested, for the first time, by the new lights and 
teachings of the present age ; where are they to be 
found ] Let some body do us the favor to name the 
chapter and verse which contain them. Nothing can 
be more indubitable than the position, that it does 



33 

♦ 

not belong to Christianity — it is not consistent with 
its spirit — to interfere with, or abolish any of the rela- 
tions of life existing at its first promulgation, for the 
control of which either Christ or his apostles have 
prescribed regulations. They regulated the duties 
between ruler and subject, parent and child, husband 
and wife. These relations must continue to the end 
of time. The same may be said of that between 
master and slave. It is equally clear, that if the 
apostles had considered slavery in itself to be sinful, 
they never would have alluded to the institution, but 
to denounce it. They would have dismissed the 
theme, with one sweeping sentence of condemnation; 
— as a thing utterly proscribed and accursed,— as 
making no part of the christian religion, and as inca- 
pable of having any connexion with it. It is certain^ 
that the apostles never laid clown, or enacted any laws 
for the regulation of vice. The inference is obvious. 
Christianity attempts to remove the evils of slavery— - 
not by destroying the relation, but by enforcing the 
duties. Obedience to parents cannot exist, if you 
abolish the relation of parent and child. Masters, 
cannot, according to the command of Christ, render 
to their slaves that which is just and equal, if you 
abolish the relations; for then they will cease to be 
masters. Abolish any of the relations for which re- 
gulations are provided in the New Testament, and, 
in effect, you abolish some of the laws of Christ. To 
succeed then in putting down every thing like servi* 
tade, you must annihilate the word of God. 

When assailed for holding our fellow-bsi^gs i© 
bondage, — when denounced as "heinous and scan- 



34 

dalous sinners," "robbers," "tyrants," "thieves," "op- 
pressors and monsters" — it is enough for us, without 
"rendering railing for railing," calmly to reply, that 
we are fully convinced of the rectitude of slavery; 
we can have no doubts about the matter, when those 
who were divinely commissioned to teach us a pure 
and perfect religion, have expressly allowed and 
sanctioned it. 

III. The abolitionists appeal with great, seeming 
confidence to what they style, the decisions of rea^ 
son. We are told that there are a multitude of truths 
in the department of ethics, which are not particu- 
larly mentioned in the scriptures. " The Bible pre- 
supposes in the persons to whom it is addressed a 
knowledge of the principles of natural justice." Now 
the sinfulness of slavery (say our opponents) is one 
of those obvious and acknowledged truths, taught by 
reason, observation and experience. Slavery is con- 
demned by the universally admitted doctrine, "that 
all men are created equal: that they are endowed by 
their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that 
among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of human 
happiness." 

1st. Let us attend, for a moment, to the meaning 
of the proposition, that all men are created equal. 
True, in many respects, all men have the same at- 
tributes, rights, condition and privileges. This is 
self-evident. But the opposite proposition is not a 
whit the less obvious, that all men are created une- 
qual. Such are the constitution of man and the laws 
of nature, that no two members of society can be 



35 

found who are not characterized by indelible distinc- 
tions. One differs from his neighbor in the natural 
endowments of body and mind ; another possesses 
superior advantages, originating in some of the end- 
lessly diversified and indescribable circumstances of 
education and employment; a third, from the cradle 
to the tomb, is never permitted to know the honor 
and responsibilities of self-government. From birth 
to death, he is as helpless and dependant as a child. 
Imbecility of constitution, the malignant power of 
some accident or disease, may have doomed him to 
perpetual and unavoidable servitude. The same re- 
marks are applicable to nations, as well as indi- 
viduals. 

Even the celebrated Rosseau — an enthusiastic, 
thorough radical — admits, in his Social Compact, 
that it is impossible to subject men to the most de- 
mocratic form of civil government which can be de- 
vised, without distributing them into ranks, classes 
and orders. But such a distribution must of neces- 
sity produce numerous inequalities in society. The 
terms ruler and subject, master and servant, parent 
and child, pupil and preceptor, designate relations, 
whose very essence is inequality in prerogative, do- 
minion, power and privileges. 

It is admitted bv all logicians, that a doctrine, from 
which (when assumed as true) false propositions can 
be fairly inferred, must itself be false. Let us apply 
this test to the case before us. Let it be granted that 
all men should be on terms of perfect equality in all 
the intercourse of society. Then, it would be a grie- 
vous wrong, under any circumstances, to subject one 



36 

man to the will or dominion of another. Then, civil 
government is an outrageous usurpation. Then, all 
rulers are tyrants, oppressors and robbers. Then, it 
is wicked for one man to possess more learning or 
property than his neighbor. ' For the same reason, it 
would be an infringement of human rights to send 
your children to school ; because, in all seminaries of 
learning there must be a superior power. Contuma-. 
cious, disobedient, refractory pupils, must be restrain- 
ed and punished. From the same principle it follows, 
that parents have no right to control and direct their 
children, in their young, tender and inexperienced 
years. 

Or, in other words, the doctrine that all men are 
absolutely equal, is utterly irreconcilable with the 
existence of society and subordination among men, 
and must therefore be false. A more senseless so- 
phism was never broached. Admit the principle, and 
act upon it in any community under heaven, and you 
would divest it, at once, of all the countless and pre- 
cious blessings of civilized life. 

But, you may say, granting the accuracy of the 
above representation, it does not prove that there is 
any inequality among men of such a nature and mag- 
nitude as to. justify slavery. To this suggestion I 
reply, in the first place, that the scriptures have for- 
ever settled the abstract question, whether it is pos- 
sible for one man to be so far inferior to another that 
his superior may lawfully treat him as a slave. They 
have given an affirmative answer to this interroga- 
tory. 

In the second place, J remark that the legislature 



37 

of Louisiana has solemnly decided that the Africans 
now living within our borders are, in general, so far 
inferior to the white population, that their own hap- 
piness, and the public safety require, that they should 
be held in a state of bondage. Let it not be forgot- 
ten, that, according to the scriptures, the only tribu- 
nal in any land competent to try this point is the le- 
gislative power. The legislature must say who are 
to occupy the condition of slaves under their jurisdic- 
tion. To their mandate we must all bow. Their 
decision, ladmit, should be in accordance with justice 
and benevolence. With respect to the community in 
which our lot is cast, I have no hesitation in affirm- 
ing, that the laws regulating slavery are, in the main, 
wise, merciful and salutary. What says the New 
Testament! It says, touching this matter, of bond- 
age, ye must not resist the civil authorities, lest the 
name of God and his doctrine be blasphemed* 

2d. Again, it is alleged to be a decision of reason, 
that man cannot be justly held and used as jircperty. 
It is a shocking offence against the laws of right to 
traffic in human beings. 

Upon what ground does the assertion rest 1 Man, 
say our opponents, sustains a peculiar and intimate 
relation to the Maker of the universe. Sacred Writ 
informs us, that the image of God is impressed on 
his soul ; that he is endued with high and glorious 
perfections ; that he possesses the hope and the ca- 
pacity of a never-ending existence beyond the grave. 
Can it be lawful to buy and sell — to hold and use as 
property, beings with such exalted endowments — 
enriched with a rational, moral, and immortal nature? 



38 

I answer, that the phrase, "Image of God" as used 
in the Old Testament conveys to our minds no clear, 
definite ideas. The ablest commentators differ in their 
views, as to the interpretation of these words. In one 
sense, it may be said that the image of God has been 
inscribed upon every thing which his hand has formed. 
The minutest particle of dust, every atom, every 
blade of grass, every flower, every vegetable and ani- 
mal, as well as the human body and soul present the 
most interesting manifestations of infinite power, wis- 
dom, and goodness. There is not an article of mer- 
chandize in all the commercial world, but what ex- 
hibits proofs of the being and attributes of an Eternal 
Mind. All created things wear his image and super- 
scription. If you adopt the principle, that whatever 
has the image of God cannot lawfully be bought and 
sold, then to be consistent, you must put your veto 
upon every species of traffick. The whole business 
of buying and selling must be forever relinquished. 
To buy, is to acquire the property, rigid or title to any 
thing, by paying a consideration, or an equivalent in 
money. Now it is perfectly obvious, that there is no 
species of property the right to which one may not 
lawfully obtain by purchase. 

But it may be said, that the human body and soul 
cannot justly be regarded in the light of property. It 
is not necessary to examine this question. When I 
purchase a slave, I acquire the right to nothing but 
his labor during a part of his time — during a certain 
number of hours each day. No one will say that human 
labor is a thing too sacred to be offered in the mar- 
ket. Mens labor is bought and sold every day, all 



39 

over the civilized world. Magistrates, judges, jurors, 
lawyers, physicians, clergymen, teachers, mechanics, 
merchants, and those employed in agriculture, all 
receive pecuniary compensation for their services. 
That is, they sell themselves. They do not indeed 
barter away their bodies and souls, their lives, their 
limbs and members, their intellectual and moral pow- 
ers, but simply and solely their services for a stipu- 
lated definite period. So the master does not pre- 
tend to possess a title to the body and soul of his slave, 
but simply to enjoy the benefit of his labor, during 
a term of years, for a fair and reasonable compensa- 
tion. The master sustains the same relation to his 
domestics, that the commander of a vesel does to the 
crew — -an officer of the army to the soldiers under him, 
or a mechanic to the apprentices who are under his 
control and supervision. 

It will perhaps be alleged, that the case of the slave 
differs from those above mentioned, inasmuch as he 
is not permitted to sell himself, but is disposed of 
without his own consent. I do not deny this difference. 
I only say, that property in slaves consists essentially 
in nothing but a rioht to their labor for a limited time. 
This position cannot be disputed. Whether compulsory 
labor is ever lawful is another, but not doubtful point. 
When this city was invaded by the English army a 
few years ago, some of you remember, that every 
citizen capable of bearing arms, was compelled to 
labor, without his consent, for the defence of New 
Orleans. Was this right. Undoubtedly. For every 
citizen, in a certain sense, belongs to the community 
in which he lives, and on particular emergencies this 



40 

community may oblige him to labor for the public good 
That is, every civil government is, in some respects* 
the owner of its subjects, and may rightfully hold, and 
use them as property. 

Again, condemned criminals in your state-prison, 
are forced to labor so many hours every day. The 
government of Louisiana rightfully holds and treats 
them as slaves. 

Minors and apprentices also must work for their 
superiors without their own consent, or contract. For 
a term of years they are slaves. 

Take another case. Those persons in a commu- 
nity who are too imbecile, inefficient and unreflecting 
to govern themselves, may be disposed of by the 
legislative power. This is done througout the civil- 
ized globe. I have seen such people sold at auction, 
in the state of Massachusetts. Tutors, masters or 
guardians are appointed over them, in obedience to 
whose command they are compelled to labor for a 
stipulated remuneration. This is precisely the con- 
dition of the African in the Southern States. The 
civil authority is forced to take care of him and to 
keep him employed, in order to save him from self- 
destruction and from being detrimental to the peace 
and welfare of society at large. And for so doing, 
we are accused of inflicting a "grievous wrong" upon 
the poor slave. It is a "grievous wrong" to protect, 
feed and clothe, those who are unable to feed, clothe 
and protect themselves. Finally, God has said in the 
Scriptures, that it is just under certain circumstan- 
ces, to hold and use man as property. From such a 
judgement there can be no appeal. To the legis- 



41 

lature alone it belongs to decide, what description 
of persons must be so far restricted in their free- 
dom, as to be doomed to perpetual servitude for life. 
Nor is there, the least reason to apprehend, that the 
legislators of the Southern States will fail of acting 
in regard to this subject on the most liberal, generous 
arid philanthropic principles. 

3rd. It is affirmed, that the principles of natural 
justice condemn the practice of subjecting one man to 
anothers irresponsible will and power. But such a 
subjection is indispensable to the maintenance of ci- 
vil government. Even in the purest republics there 
is an arbitrary, sovereign, irresponsible power; the will 
of the majority. So in every family, and in every 
school, an absolute monarch rules and commands. In 
Louisiana, above the supreme court, there is no high- 
er arbiter to hear our complaints, or redress our 
wrongs. In this tribunal you see a tremendous pow- 
er, that is strictly irresponsible, and which none of us 
can resist, but at our peril. Absolute power is an in- 
gredient in every form of government existing on 
earth. Society cannot subsist without it, any more 
than a superstructure can be reared without a foun- 
dation. 

But it is contended, that the power of the master 
over the servant should be so far restrained by law 
as to deny him the right of inflicting punishment 
according to his sovereign will and pleasure. This 
view of the subject I formerly adopted myself. But 
however beautiful in theory, it cannot be made to 
work well, when put In practice. The number of 
slaves that require corporal chastisement, is cOmpa- 



42 

ratively small. Probably not one in an hundred 
above the age of childhood ever needs to be sub- 
jected to the infliction of stripes. But cases some- 
times occur, when servants must be controlled, 
curbed, and disciplined, by violent measures. On 
such emergencies, punishment must be summary and 
immediate, in order to produce any beneficial results. 
Any other mode of chastisement would involve the 
necessity of a legal process, protracted, expensive, 
impracticable and inefficient. Slave-holders in the 
Southern States are in the main, the most mild, mer- 
ciful and benignant class of men that I have ever met 
with. They treat their slaves with paternal kindness. 
It is commonly thought at the North, that slave-hold- 
ers are inclined to be hard hearted, tyrannical, oppres- 
sive and unjust. The very reverse is the case. If 
the truth could be made to appear on this subject, it 
would be seen that there is more cruel treatment 
towards children and minors in any one of our free 
states, for a given term, than is inflicted upon ser- 
vants in any of the slave-holding states for the same 
period. During a residence of seventeen years in 
Louisiana, I have not seen as much of that kind of 
conduct which is adapted to give pain to a sensitive, 
benevolent heart, as I witnessed during half a dozen 
years of my school-boy existence in Massachusetts. 
Cruelty to servants is forbidden by our laws. An 
enlightened selfishness is of itself sufficient to lead 
the master to a just and humane treatment of his 
dependants; for when thus treated, they are always 
found to be more industrious, orderly and profitable. 
The fact is> that public opinion here is so stern against 



43 

inhumanity to servants, that few slave-holders have 
sufficient hardihood to set it at defiance. 

4th. Ingenious attempts are made to show, that all 
men have certain sacred and unalienable ri jhts, of 
which slavery is the infraction. It is impossible to 
organize a society on such principles that ail its mem- 
bers shall possess the same, or equal rights. Look, 
for an example, to the free inhabitants of the State 
of Massachusetts, whose boast is that her soil is un- 
contaminated by slavery. Do they all enjoy the same 
political rights? Is not more than half of her entire 
population disfranchised! Are her females, minors 
and paupers permitted to go to the polls 1 Can they 
be elevated to office by the suffrages of free, enlio-ht- 
tened citizens I The ladies of Massachusetts have 
no political liberty. In this respect, they are reduced 
to the level of our slaves. Is it right that they should 
be made ineligible to office 1 Is it right that they 
should have no voice in choosing their rulers ; nor in 
making those laws which control their lives, posses- 
sions and happiness 1 I have not time, nor is this the 
place for the investigation of these topics. But, 
doubtless, the wise men of the North would agree in 
the decision that minors should be denied the privi- 
lege of voting, and of being elevated to places of 
responsibility in the commonwealth, on the ground 
that they are destitute of the proper qualifications. — 
A child six years old wants the knowledge requisite 
to enable him to discharge the duties of public office. 
It is doing him no injustice to say, that he shall not 
be summoned to the performance of a task for which 
he has no suitable faculties. It is universally admit- 



44 

ted, that infamy, mental alienation, want of learning, 
dotage, and other causes, may render a person in^ 
competent to fill an office or transact public business* 
Now, in the matter of civil rights, we do not place 
the African upon a footing of equality with the white 
man, because he can neither understand, appreciate, 
nor exercise these rights. To a slave, who has never 
learned to read or write, there are insuperable obsta- 
cles in the way of his becoming an eminent lawyer, 
divine, or statesman. Equally insurmountable impe- 
diments obstruct his introduction to the rights of civil 
freedom. God and nature forbid it. 

In my judgment, the Southern States secure to 
the slave all the rights and privileges of which he is 
at present capable. He is richly remunerated for his 
labor. There is no class of operatives in the civil- 
ized world, all things considered, so well paid as our 
slaves. Nothing that I can see, is wanting to fit 
them for the joys of time, nor for the purer and 
higher joys of an eternal existence. There is 
scarcely an African in the State of Louisiana be- 
longing to a master, who does not receive what may 
be considered equivalent to a sum lying between the 
extremes of one hundred and fifty and two hundred 
and fifty dollars a year, at the lowest computation. — 
The southern bond-men and bond-women are much 
more eligibly situated, in regard to the means of com- 
fortable living, (food, lodging, raiment, &c.) than the 
great majority of day laborers throughout Great Bri- 
tain, or even the northern section of the United 
States. 

But when we affirm, that the slave is in a happier 



45 

condition than the free laborer at the North, we are 
told, this is impossible, "for happiness can never be- 
long to those, who are deprived of the distinctive at- 
tributes of a man." " If he appear gay, it is because 
he has not learned to think ; because he is too fallen 
to feel his wrongs; because he wants just self-res- 
pect." (See Channing's pamphlet). But permit me 
to inquire, what are we to understand by the phrase- 
ology "the distinctive attributes of man?" The Doc- 
tor himself has furnished an answer to this question. 
He tells us in his election sermon, in substance, (for 
I do not remember his words,) that the most glorious 
prerogative of man is freedom from impure, foolish, 
and wicked thoughts; that no captivity is so ignomi- 
nious and dreadful as the dominion of sinful appetites 
and passions. Others cannot enslave us. They 
may put a gag upon our mouths, but they cannot 
stop our thoughts. They may incarcerate the body, 
and chain it to the floor of a dungeon. But the real 
man — the mind may still be free; may still exercise 
the noblest prerogative of humanity, and in the un- 
bounded region of its own thoughts, hold sweet 
communion with God, and expatiate, at will, o'er the 
illimitable fields of truth and duty. How just is this 
description! How beautiful! He enjoys the most 
precious attribute of man, who can turn his mind, by 
a resolute effort of his will, from thoughts of evil to 
thoughts of good, from falsehood to truth, from frivo- 
lous and vain, to honorable and useful employment. 
All this, the slave is at liberty to do. Multitudes of 
them are, to a high degree, conscientious, morally, re- 
ligiously free and happy. The Doctor himself then 



46 

being Judge, our slaves are not bereft of the distin- 
guishing privileges of man. They share in the most 
important rights that belong to their masters. They 
have the liberty of obeying Christ. 

Again : Doctor Channing informs us, that among 
the most precious rights of humanity, is the "right to 
labor;" "to work with our own hands." From sys- 
tematic and reasonable toil flow abundance, health, 
peace, contentment and virtue. Now this right be- 
longs to the slave in its most perfect and inviolate 
form. 

Once more : slaves possess the inappreciable ben- 
efits which grow out of the endearing ties of friend- 
ship, kindred, sympathy, and the whole class of do- 
mestic affections. Parents and children, husbands 
and wives (it is true), are sometimes separated by 
being involved in those calamities which sweep away 
the possessions and prosperity of the master. But 
take it all in all, they are as free and undisturbed in 
the enjoyment of their domestic relations, as the white 
inhabitants of the Northern States. 

The slaves of Louisiana are, in all essential res- 
pects, as free as the female population of Massachu- 
setts. In common with our fair sisters, at the North, 
they are cut off from the exercise of the political 
franchise, and the employments of public life. But 
in the private sphere marked out for them, they may 
taste the purest bliss of earth, and be an ornament, a 
light and blessing to all within their influence. Dec- 
tor Chaning might, with just as much propriety, say, 
concerning the ladies of his state, as of our slaves, 
"that they have not learned to think ;" "that they are 



47 

too fallen to feel their wrongs;" and that they are de- 
ficient in just self-respect; because forsooth they are 
not permitted to go to the polls, or to become candi- 
dates for public offices. 

I can assure Dr. Charming that good slaves in Lou- 
isiana (and the majority are good) know how to res- 
pect themselves, and are respected and beloved by all 
around them. I have never met with a class of peo- 
ple more esteemed and honored than those slaves at 
the South who are docile, submissive, obedient, in- 
dustrious, honest, and faithful to their masters. 

Besides, when you affirm, that slaves do not know 
"how to think;" to "feel their wrongs;" "nor respect 
themselves;" you virtually declare that they are dis- 
qualified to hold the station of freemen; that they 
are fit for no condition save that of bondage. 

That kind of servitude, which Dr. Paley denomi- 
nates slavery, has existed in every period of time and 
in every part of the world. You cannot point to a 
community, now existing, on this, or the other side 
of the Atlantic, where persons are not compelled to 
labor, for the benefit of others, without their own con- 
sent. No matter in what this compulsion originates ; 
in the law of the legislature; or the destitute condition 
of a dependent, suffering, half starved family. Those 
under its dominion, are slaves. Look at the condition 
of laborers in Great Britain, where so much noise 
is made concerning the horrors and injustice of do- 
mestic slavery in the United States. An English 
writer of eminence, give us the following sketch of 
the degradation and wants of a peasant in that land, 
which fills the world with the loud boast, "that as 



48 

soon as a slave touches her soil, his fetters fail off, 
and he stands forth, redeemed, ransomed, disenthral- 
led by tli3 ganius of universal emancipation" 

"Who is that defective being, with calfless legs and 
stooping shoulders, weak in body and mind, inert, 
pusillanimous and stupid, whose premature wrinkles 
and furtive glance tell of misery and degradation'? 
That is an English peasant, or pauper; for the words 
are synonimous. His sire was a pauper, and his 
mothers milk wanted nourishment. From infancy his 
food has been bad, as well as insufficient; and he now 
feels the pain of unsatisfied hunger nearly whenever 
he is awake. But half clothed, and never supplied 
with more warmth than suffices to cook his scanty 
meal, cold and wet come to him, and stay by him 
with the weather. He is married of course; for to 
this he would have been driven by the poor laws, even 
if he had been, as he never was, sufficiently comfort- 
able and prudent to dread the burden of a family. 
But though instinct, and the overseer have given him 
a wife, he is a stranger to the joys of a husband and 
father] His partner and his little ones, like himself, 
often hungry, seldom warm, sometimes sick without 
aid, and always sorrowful without hope, are greedy, 
selfish, and vexing; so, to use his own expression, 
he hates the sight of them, and resorts to his hovel, 
only because a hedge affords less shelter from the 
wind and rain. Compelled by parish law to support 
his family, which means to join them in consuming 
an allowance from the parish, he frequently conspires 
with his wife to get that allowance increased, or pre- 
vent its being diminished. This brings beggars, trick- 



49 

ery and quarrelling, and ends in settled craft. Though 
he have the inclination, he wants the courage to be- 
come, like more energetic men of his class, a poacher, 
or smuggler on a large scale, but he pilfers occasion- 
ally, and teaches his children to lie and steal. His 
subdued and slavish manners towards his great neigh- 
bors, shews that they treat him with suspicion and 
harshness. Consequently, he at once dreads and 
hates them ; but he will never harm them by violent 
means. Too degraded to be desperate, he is only 
thoroughly depraved. His miserable career will be 
short ; rheumatism and asthma are conducting him 
to the work-house ; where he will breathe his last 
without one pleasant-recollection, and so make room 
for another wretch, who may live and die in the same 
way!" This description he tells us may apply to mil- 
lions in the British empire, y- ^ 

To the general truth of this statement intelligent 
Englishmen now living among us, (some of whom I 
see in this congregation,) have given their attestation. 
Beyond all doubt then there is at this moment, more 
slavery in England than in all the United States. 
Suppose the degraded peasantry of that land, of 
whom mention is made in the above quotation, were 
transported to this country, and settled upon planta- 
tions where they might be certain of enjoying all the 
means of comfortable living to the end of their days ; 
on the simple condition of being subjected to the ne- 
cessity of regular, moderate, and healthy toil, would 
not such a change result in elevating them much 
higher than they now are in the scale of intelligence, 
refinement and virtue? May we not recotnrneftd to 



50 

the serious consideration of English philanthropists 
these words of Sacred Writ, "For if any provide not 
for his own, and especially for those of his own house- 
hold, he has denied the faith, and is worse than infi- 
del. Physician, heal thyself" Let the people of 
England, in the first place, pay a due attention to their 
own affairs. Let them direct their united and vigor- 
ous efforts towards meliorating the condition of the 
suffering, impoverished, and immoral millions at 
home, instead of wasting their sympathies and re- 
sources upon visionary projects that relate to foreign 
and distant parts over which it is not possible for them 
to exert any salutary influence. The same advice 
might be given to our philanthropic brethren of the 
North. There is a foolish, impudent, disgusting in- 
termeddling with the affairs of our neighbors, in many 
of the charitable and benevolent enterprises of the 
present day. Suppose Great Britain were to labor for 
the next fifty years, and with all her energies to im- 
prove the state of her own poor, vicious, and afflicted 
subjects, not, at the expiration of that time, would her 
peasantry and bondmen be as well off as the slave 
laborers of the Southern States now are. Example, 
as all admit — silent, unpretending, noiseless exam- 
ple — is the most efficient mode of-instruction. Let 
those who would do us good, take care to set us an 
edifying example of social order, peace, equality and 
happiness. Let the Northern States first busy them- 
selves in emancipating their own slaves, then with 
greater propriety may they proffer to us their advice, 
sympathy, and co-operation. For if the being com- 
pelled to labor for another is the true definition of 



55 

mawkish and contemptible, if it were not mischievous, 
effects still to weep over the wrongs of ' injured 
Africa.' Can there be a doubt of the immense bene- 
fit which has been conferred on the race, by transfer- 
ring them from their native, dark and barbarous re- 
gions, to the American Continent and Islands I There, 
three-fourths of the race are in a state of the most 
deplorable personal slavery. And those who are not, 
are in a scarcely less deplorable condition of political 
slavery, to barbarous chiefs, who value neither life nor 
any other human right ; or enthralled by priests to the 
most abject and atrocious superstitions." A late tra- 
veller in the western parts of Africa, gives the following 
testimony : " The wild African is the child of passion, 
unaided by one ray of religion or morality to direct his 
course ; in consequence of which, his existence is 
stained with every crime that can debase human na- 
ture to a level with the brute creation. Who can say 
that the slaves in our colonies are such 1 Are they 
not, in comparison with their savage brethren, en- 
lightened beings 1 Is not the West Indian negro 
greatly indebted to his master for making him what 
he is— for having raised him from the state of debase- 
ment in which he was born, and placed him amid the 
blessings of civilized society 1 How can he repay 
him? He is possessed of nothing — the only return 
in his power is servitude. The man who has seen 
the wild African roaming in his native woods, and the 
well fed, happy looking negro of the West Indies, may 
perhaps be able to judge of their comparative happi- 
ness : the former, I suspect, would be glad to change 
his state of boasted freedom, starvation and disease, 



56 

to become, the slave of sinners and the commisera- 
tion of saints." 

Now, the general accuracy of the views contained 
in the above quotations, would be, I presume, admit- 
ted even by the abolitionists themselves. The com- 
fort and well-being of the African are infinitely enhan- 
ced by a removal from his native soil, to the condition 
of bondage, which he occupies in the American 
States. Supposing then slavery to be wrong in prin- 
ciple, it must be a gratifying thought to the philan- 
thropist, that its results are, in many respects, of an 
auspicious character. 

I have not a doubt but that Almighty God in his 
wise providence, has permitted and brought about the 
present servile condition of the Africans in christian 
lands, as one of the means indispensable to the deli- 
verance of their native country from barbarism, dark- 
ness and crime, and the final exaltation of its degra- 
ded millions to the knowledge, order, safety, refine- 
ment, pure morality and rational religion, which are 
enjoyed by civilized and christian nations. 

It is worthy of observation, that there is at the pre- 
sent time a great unanimity of opinion among the wise 
and good, concerning the subject of slavery. All 
agree that he, " who cannot see a brother, a child of 
God, a man possessing the rights of humanity, under 
a darker skin than his own, wants the vision of a 
Christian. He worships the outward. The Spirit 
is not yet revealed to him. To look unmoved on the 
degradation and wrongs of a fellow-creature, because 
he happens to be burned by a fiercer sun, proves us 
strangers to justice and love in those universal forms. 



57 

which characterize Christianity. The greatest of all 
distinctions, the only enduring one — is moral good- 
ness, virtue, religion. Outward distinction cannot 
arrive to the dignity of this. The wealth of worlds is 
not sufficient for a burnt-offering on this altar. A 
being capable of this, is invested by God with solemn 
claims on his fellow-creatures ; and to exclude mil- 
lions of such beings from onr sympathy, because of 
outward disadvantages, proves, that in whatever else 
we surpass them, we are not their superiors in Chris- 
tian virtue." 

Now, remarks like these are mere truisms, which 
every man, woman and child can comprehend. There 
is but one creed on the subject of slavery. It is uni- 
versally admitted, that in all cases, our treatment of. 
others should be dictated by the spirit of Christian 
forbearance, equity and love. The only point open 
for debate, is the question— what constitutes such 
treatment 1 What duties does Christianity enjoin 
upon us in regard to domestic slavery 1 No doubt all 
should be permitted to go free, who are capable of 
self-government. No doubt is entertained, with res- 
pect to the rectitude and the policy of raising all 
throughout this land, who are qualified for it> to the 
enjoyment of political rights and privileges. It is ad- 
mitted, also, that every legislature should be actuated 
by the supreme desire to promote, so far as they are 
able, the freedom and happiness of all that live under 
their dominion. These are self-evident propositions. 
Their truth is beyond ail controversy. And you may 
fill newspapers, periodicals, pamphlets and volumes 
with beautiful dissertatjons-on these elementary prin- 



58 

ciples, without shedding a ray of light on the subject 
of our duties towards our slaves. Look over all the 
anti-slavery publications of the last ten years, and tell 
me if they have advanced one new idea, argument or 
principle I Have they even succeeded in presenting 
an old, acknowledged truth in a new, original, or more 
impressive form? Their writings are, to my taste, 
the most trashy, empty, common-place and inconclu- 
sive forms of argumentation ever committed to paper. 
Why, they have made these wonderful and profound 
discoveries: that Christianity inculcates Universal 
Love ; that we should do all in our power to relieve the 
indigent and suffering; to banish ignorance; suppress 
vice; amend the vicious, and console the unhappy; 
that we should recognize a fellow-being, in all the 
forms of humanity around us, however externally fal- 
len and degraded. The Eternal Law requires us to 
do justly, love mercy, and walk humbly before our 
God. They bid slave-holders to think of these great 
principles, as if they had forgotten them, or w T ere liv- 
ing in the deliberate violation of them. 

Now, with all becoming gratitude to our Northern 
friends, for their affectionate homilies on the impor- 
tance of justice, philanthropy, and law of doing as we 
would be done by, we beg them to rest assured, 
that it is one of the strongest convictions of our un- 
derstandings, that Christian love, forbearance and 
equity, require us to hold the African in bondage. 
We are perfectly persuaded, that emancipation would 
be the destruction of the poor, dependent, helpless 
slave. The fear of God, respect for the religion of 
Jestis Christ, #nd the love of man, call upon us to 



regard him in the light of a ward, whom we are bound 
to protect, nurture, guard and control. We treat him 
upon the same principles that we adopt in the ma- 
nagement and education of our minor children. 

Gentlemen, residing at the North, may allege that 
we are selfish, mercenary, unprincipled despots, who 
hold our fellow-creatures in bondage, for the unhal- 
lowed purpose of pleasure, profit and aggrandizement. 
They may tell us, that we ought to "tremble before 
the rebukes of outraged humanity and indignant vir- 
tue" : and that we have "110 good excuse for wrest- 
ing from our brethren their essential rights." We 
are very sorry that they should look upon us in such 
an unfavorable light. We should like to have their 
good opinion ; but, for the sake of it, we cannot con- 
sent to part with principle, truth, duty and conscience. 
We should consider ourselves wrong doers, destitute 
of correct moral feelings — utterly hardened in heart — 
were we to throw our slaves upon the mercy of the 
world ; to leave them unprovided for ; to pine with 
hunger and want ; to be consumed with vice and dis- 
ease, and to die an untimely death. In complying 
with the advice of our Northern friends, we should 
pursue a course that seems to us most cruel, anti- 
Christian and unmerciful. 

It may be said, that we are laboring under a horri- 
ble delusion in this respect. Be it so. Our answer 
is that of an apostle, " We ought to obey God, rather 
than men." Our convictions of duty, not yours, is 
the standard that we are obliged to follow. Besides, 
we say, most respectfully that you are not competent 
to sit in judgment on your Southern brethren, in re- 



60 

gard to this matter of slavery. You want the neces- 
sary information. No reading, no study, can furnish 
you for the task. Yon must live among slaves for 
years ; accurately observe and scrutinize their daily 
developements and conduct, before you can be com- 
petent to decide upon the position which they are fit- 
ted to occupy in society. Twenty-one years ago, 
when I first Came to the Southern States, (where I 
have lived ever since), I was in theory an abolitionist. 
I thought that nothing, but a blind, obstinate, un- 
righteous regard to "filthy lucre," kept the African in 
bondage. But experience has long since convinced 
me of my error. I now feel certain, that by emanci- 
pating our slaves, we should be guilty of the greatest 
injustice. For such a course we should richly merit 
the abhorrence of an enlightened world, and the in- 
dignation of offended Heaven. We dare not manu- 
mit our slaves. It would be an act of unmixed op- 
pression, wrong, cruelty, robbery and murder. In the 
perusal of the more recent anti-slavery publications, 
I have been forcibly struck, with the utter ignorance 
which their authors evince in regard to the real char- 
acter of Southern slaves. If they had any profound, 
philosophical, correct views of this character, they 
would feel it to be a dictate of Christianity that our 
colored population should live and die in servitude. 

There are many o; her topics connected with this 
subject, which S hid intended to notice, but my time 
has run out, and your patience is exhausted. I must 
stop. An adequate discussion of slavery would fill 
many volumes. From what has been said, I think 
it must appear obvious to all present that slavery is 



61 

no where condemned, or prohibited by the Scriptures 
of the Old or New Testament, and that under cer- 
tain circumstances, (which circumstances, we believe, 
are now actually existing in the Southern states) it 
is in perfect keeping with the pure principles of that 
invaluable system of government under which we are 
permitted to live and flourish ; and which, I have no 
doubt, is destined to elevate us to the highest degree 
of knowledge, order, peace and safety, that civilized 
society is capable of enjoying. We are perfectly 
willing that our Northern friends should freely express 
their opinions on the subject, provided they address 
themselves not to the slave, but to his master only. 
We will direct a becoming attention to their argu- 
ments and expostulations. We ask of them this favor 
only, that they would use no weapons in this warfare 
but those of persuasion, truth and love ; and that 
they would maintain inviolate the right which the fe- 
deral constitution has vested in the slave-holding 
states, of treating slavery in the manner which seems 
to them most just, kind and expedient. 

It is apprehended by many that the discussion of 
this subject will endanger the peace and welfare of 
the nation ; that it will finally excite between the 
Northern and Southern states an irreconcilable spirit 
of distrust and hatred, leading to overt acts of re- 
venge, murder, war and devastation. The tie of our 
federal union (said a learned and judicious friend 
to me the other day, speaking in reference to this 
very topic,) is but a rope of sand, a mere cobweb. 
We shall, in all probability, live to see the downfall 
of this republic. 



62 

I cannot sympathize with those, who cherish such 
gloomy views concerning the future progress of 
these States in respectability and greatness. When 
I reflect upon the vast extent of our territory, (reach- 
ing from the great lakes to the gulf of Mexico, and 
from the Atlantic to the Pacific); upon the unprece- 
dented fertility of its soil ; its inexhaustible riches in the 
mineral, vegetable and animal departments ; the salu- 
brity of its climate; its wonderful facilities for commerce 
and inter-communication; the unity that pervades its 
inhabitants in language, literature, religious and po- 
litical institutions ; their general intelligence, indus- 
try and enterprize ; I cannot but feel that our means 
of national prosperity are infinite ; that the interests 
of the different sections of the United States are sub- 
stantially the same; forever and inseparably united 
by the indissoluble, eternal bonds of physical and 
moral character, condition and circumstances. 

Wise and good men among us, as it seems to me, 
are often wanting in a just appreciation of the value 
of our republican institutions ; in a due acknowledg- 
ment of the wisdom and benignity of the Intelligent 
Cause, which obviously superintended their formation 
and settlement. Does not our country, at the pre- 
sent moment, enjoy an unparalleled state of prosper- 
ity 1 Are not increasing efforts put forth for the dis- 
semination of that knowledge requisite to enable the 
people to understand their rights and happiness 1 Is 
not the freedom of the Press preserved as inviolable 
now, as at any former period I Were our literary and 
charitable institutions ever before fostered with such 
munificent patronage, as at the present dayl Is not 



63 

every desirable improvement projected, encouraged 
and carried forward in this country, on a scale noble, 
disinterested and magnificent \ What ground, then, 
for fears as to the perpetuity of our government 1 
What reasons to indulge dismal forebodings, with re- 
gard to the Vessel of State I Why attempt to impress 
ihe people with the belief, that with all our invaluable 
rights and privileges, she is soon to be dashed against 
the rocks, or ingulfed by the billows of a mighty sea 
of corruption ! 

If, in our opinion, such be the melancholy destiny 
that awaits us, we must look back upon the noble and 
magnanimous fathers of our Independence, as hav- 
ing sacrificed their wealth, ease, sacred honor and 
life, in the prosecution of an impracticable, visionary 
object; as having bequeathed to us a legacy abso- 
lutely worthless, invested with an ephemeral existence 
only ; a fabric of government, before the expiration 
of one hundred years prematurely hoary with age; 
tottering on the verge of final and hopeless ruin. 
Were I not permitted to believe, that these unfavorable 
predictions relative to the stability of our precious in- 
stitutions, were nothing more than the effusions of dis- 
appointed, murmuring, splenetic ambition, in despair, 
I should bid adieu even to the hopes of the ultimate 
exaltation of a man to millenial freedom and perfec- 
tion. I should conclude, that a despotic government, 
under which the happiness of the many is sacrificed to 
the caprice, pleasure and aggrandizement of the few, 
is destined to grind and debase the human family to 
the end of time. 

I have entire confidence in the good principles, 



64 

wisdom and patriotism of our Northern brethren 
generally. One of their able writers on slavery 
says — " We must not by rashness and passion ex- 
pose the slave-holding states to peril. To instigate 
the slave to insurrection is a crime for which no re- 
buke, and no punishment can be too severe. This 
would be to involve both slave and master in one 
common ruin. It is not enough to say that the con- 
stitution is violated by any action endangering the 
slave-holding portion of our country. A higher law 
than the constitution forbids this unholy interference. 
Were our national union dissolved, we ought to re- 
probate, as sternly as we now do, the slightest mani- 
festation of a disposition to stir up a servile war. Still 
more, were the free and the slave-holding states not 
only separated, but engaged in the fiercest hostilities, 
the former would deserve the abhorrence of the world 
and the indignation of Heaven, were they to resort 
to insurrection and massacre as means of victory. 
Better were it for us to bare our own breasts to the 
knife of the slave, than to arm him with it against 
his master. It is not by personal, direct action on 
the mind of the slave that we can do him good. — 
Our concern is with the free." (See Channing on 
Slavery.) 

With the exception of an inconsiderable number 
of fanatics, the above quotation expresses the pre- 
vailing views of the North on this momentous and 
exciting topic. I think the sentiments of the leading 
men in the free states come to us much distorted and 
misrepresented. I repeat it, I have unlimited confi- 
dence in our Northern brethren ; in their wisdom, 



65 

their integrity, their forbearance, their noble and in- 
extinguishable love of country. They are, in heart, 
opposed to nothing but what is wrong, wicked and 
injurious to the interests of humanity. On the mat- 
ter of slavery, I believe that they are laboring under 
a gross hallucination. But let us exercise towards 
them a mild, patient long-suffering and tolerant spir- 
it, as the best possible means of bringing them to a 
just perception of the error, that now blinds their 
judgment. We have nothing to fear. Truth is great 
and will prevail. If slavery is wrong, it must fade 
away before the resistless march of civilization and 
Christianity. On the other hand, if, as I verily be- 
lieve, the relation of master and servant originated in 
the will of God, and is sanctioned by the christian 
religion, it will last to the end of time. All its evils 
will soon disappear from the picture of human woe; 
and then the institution will be the source of the most 
amiable, endearing, permanent and useful affections 
of which our nature is susceptible. In the future, 
more improved and brilliant periods of our beloved 
republic, I have no doubt, that slavery, purged from 
all its impurities, will flourish, and form one of the 
most efficient bonds by which its inhabitants will be 
led to act, suffer, and sympathize as members of 
one vast and glorious family. 

The apostle Paul, when urging upon the christian 
slaves at Corinth the duty of submission and content- 
ment, bids them to bear in mind that the disadvan- 
tages of a servile state last but for a moment, and 
are to be succeeded by the pure and endearing joys 
of an immortal existence. "The fashion of this world 



66 

jmsseth away.' 1 '' If this thought were to animate the 
bosoms of all slaves, they would be happy and satis- 
fied with their allotments. The object of New Tes- 
tament preaching was not the emancipation of slaves, 
but their conversion to the faith and hopes of the gos- 
pel. Such should be the object of preachers at the 
present day. Let all christian teachers show our ser- 
vants the importance of being submissive, obedient, 
industrious, honest and faithful to the interests of their 
masters. Let their minds be filled with sweet anti- 
cipations of rest eternal beyond the grave. Let them 
be trained to direct their views to that fascinating and 
glorious futurity, where the sins, sorrows and troubles 
of earth will be contemplated under the aspect of 
means indispensable to our everlasting progress in 
knowledge, virtue and happiness. 

I would say to every slave in the United States, 
you should realize, that a wise, kind and merciful 
Providence has appointed for you, your condition in 
life. And all things considered, you could not be 
more eligibly situated. The burden of your care, 
toils and responsibilities is much lighter than that, 
which God has imposed on your Master. The most 
enlightened philanthropists, with unlimited resourc- 
es, could not place you in a situation more favorable 
to your present and everlasting welfare, than that 
which you now occupy. You have your troubles, 
So have all. Remember how evanescent are the 
pleasures and joys of human life. Our fellow beings 
are rapidly moving off the stage, they retire behind 
the curtain, and are seen no more. 



67 

" The eternal surge 
Of time and tide rolls on, aud bears afar 
Our bubbles ; as the old burst, new emerge, 
Lashed from. the foam of ages; while the graves 
Of empires heave, but like some passing wave." 

Lift your thoughts from this transient and mutable 
state to that heaven whose glories are unfading, which 
Jesus has prepared for his followers. If you are his 
sincere disciples, the more painful ai.d humiliating 
the circumstances of your condition here, the more 
bright will be your immortal existence hereafter. Be- 
yond the dark and dying struggle, man will be for- 
ever and completely free. The grave is the spot 
where he will lay down his weakness, his diseases, 
sorrows, and sins, that he may rise to a new and no- 
bler existence in the realms of everlasting day. This 
glorious hope of "being finally made alive in Christ" 
is the only true and inexhaustible fountain of happi- 
ness on earth. This fountain is accessible to all, of 
.every name and description. All who taste of its 
pure pleasures, are substantially free and equal. All 
are travelling to the same exalted world, where hap- 
piness unalloyed will be our portion — where the ties 
of love and friendship are indissoluble — whose bright 
and enduring realities will never be dimmed by the 
clouds of sin or affliction. 




LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




011 899 045 6 






